Why Was The Sykes Picot Agreement Made

The question of the extent to which Sykes-Picot remained in force at the time is controversial. As soon as the agreement was made public, Britain and France tried to limit the consequences. In 1918, the Anglo-French Declaration ordered the support of “indigenous governments and administrations in Syria and Mesopotamia.” The international mandate system, created by the League of Nations to regulate the ancient Ottoman territories, also replaced the agreement, although the contours of these mandates are roughly in line with those of Sykes-Picot. It was formalized by the Allied powers of the First World War with the San Remo Conference in 1920. In May, Clayton Balfour stated that in response to the indication that the agreement had been shaken, “It allowed for a significant revision to be necessary in light of the changes that have taken place in the situation since the development of the agreement,” but that he nevertheless felt that “the agreement applies anyway.” The agreement gave a general understanding of the British and French spheres of influence in the Middle East. The aim was to divide the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire (excluding the Arabian Peninsula). The map above tells most of the story. (Here`s a full version.) The agreement itself is rather bleak to read, camouflaged in diplomatic niceties – although the emphasis on railway rights dates back to a time when rails, not oil, were the most important geopolitical infrastructure of the Fertile Crescent. Today, these train lines are atrophied. The agreement was negotiated on the British side by Mark Sykes, an aristocrat and a soldier. A veteran of the Buren War and a member of Parliament, he was taken off the reserves at the beginning of the First World War by Lord Kitchener, the Minister of War, and rescued from the front lines, and became a leading hand in the Middle East.

He hardly survived the war: Sykes died of the Spanish flu in February 1919, while attending the Paris peace conference, which was to formalize the conditions of the colony. Francois Georges-Picot, negotiated on behalf of the French, was a little older, a career diplomat stationed in Beirut and Cairo. The following eleven points included the formal agreements between Great Britain, France and Russia. In May 1916, after months of preparatory work between Sir Mark Sykes and François Georges-Picot, the Sykes-Picot agreement between France and the United Kingdom was signed in Downing Street in the presence of Paul Cambon, French Ambassador to London, and Sir Edward Gray, Secretary of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. On the British side, the Bunsen Commission, in which Sir Mark Sykes participated in the spring of 1915, laid the groundwork. In his doctoral thesis, Gibson discussed the role of oil in British strategic thinking at the time and mentioned Vilayet Mosul as France`s largest potential oil field in 1918 to accept its accession to the mandate of Iraq (the Clemenceau Lloyd George Agreement) in exchange for “some of the oil and British support elsewhere.” [53] On 15 September, the British distributed a memory aid (which had been the subject of a private debate two days earlier between Lloyd George and Clemenceau [103]) in which the British withdrew their troops in Palestine and Mesopotamia and handed over Damascus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo to Fayçal`s troops. While accepting the withdrawal, clemenceau continued to insist on the Sykes-Picot agreement as the basis for all discussions. [104] Many of these clashes have led to unrealistic promises made by the British at each party; Promised, which is directly related to the artificial design of the modern Middle East initiated by the Sykes-Picot agreement.